A bombing campaign is but the latest tribulation for Russians. Even before it started, they deserved a better government
Sep 16th 1999
AFTER a series of bombs—five in three weeks, the last-but-one killing 118 people—even the most phlegmatic of nations would be angry, frightened and eager to see the perpetrators caught. In Russia, that most conspiratorial of countries, where government is mistrusted and the rule of law tenuous, it is no surprise that rumours about the identities and motives of the terrorists should be rife (see article). As yet, however, no one can be sure who is behind the bombings. In the circumstances, the worst course of action would be to use the present confusion as a pretext for a state of emergency or some other device for curtailing democracy.
Like many other countries, Russia has reason to fear Islamic terrorism. Many Islamists within its borders would like to break away from the Russian Federation. Chechnya, after a long and bloody war, has in effect done so, and now seems to be encouraging discontented Muslims in neighbouring Dagestan, another southern republic. But brutal though the Chechens are, at least by repute, they never resorted to terrorist bombing in cities like Moscow to gain their ends, and their fieriest leader, Shamil Basaev, says they are not doing so now. Nor has any other Islamist admitted responsibility.
Unfortunately for Russia, its government is now more incompetent, corrupt and generally disreputable than it has been since the collapse of communism at the start of the 1990s. President Boris Yeltsin’s fitful rule is seen to be ever more designed to serve the purposes of those around him, and ever less to serve the interests of the people at large. Accusations of corruption among his personal circle swirl endlessly; his cronies, it is said, would love to protect themselves from any investigations either now or after his presidency ends. They might even like to see parliament suspended and the forthcoming elections postponed
Well, maybe. But in fact no state of emergency has yet been declared and, anyway, a bombing campaign such as the one now terrifying Russia still seems, on the face of it, more likely to be organised by separatist zealots, despite the absence of Chechen precedents, than by rotten apples in the Kremlin. Until more is known, speculation about the Yeltsin “family” circle is sterile.
That does not mean, however, that the government should go contentedly on about its business while the police are left to pursue their hunt for the terrorists. Even before the bombings, the government was a discredited failure and there was no prospect of an improvement, despite constant changes of prime minister, as long as Mr Yeltsin remained president. The argument for accelerating his departure is as strong now as ever. One way to hasten his exit would be to hold a presidential poll at the same time as the parliamentary elections that are due in December. It is far from certain that a committed democrat would win, but that will be just as far from certain next year, when a presidential poll must be held in any event. And an early vote would surely be a great deal better than no vote at all, which would be the likely outcome of a state of emergency.
Too soon to abandon hope
Much hand-wringing is taking place in the West about Russia and who “lost” it. In truth, Russia, gloomy as it is, is not utterly lost, nor would it be the West’s fault if it were. It would be the Russians’. If the state of Russia is to improve—if it is to establish the rule of law, create a market economy and entrench democracy—it will be done by Russians, not by outsiders.
Mr Yeltsin has played a part in changing Russia for the better, but not recently. The voters now deserve someone in better health, surrounded by capable and honest advisers, and committed to the kinds of reforms that have long been talked about but never properly introduced. That person might not instantly end the bombing campaign. But, who knows, with a better government in Moscow, the malcontents in the regions might even see the merits of staying in the federation rather than trying to secede
Sep 16th 1999
AFTER a series of bombs—five in three weeks, the last-but-one killing 118 people—even the most phlegmatic of nations would be angry, frightened and eager to see the perpetrators caught. In Russia, that most conspiratorial of countries, where government is mistrusted and the rule of law tenuous, it is no surprise that rumours about the identities and motives of the terrorists should be rife (see article). As yet, however, no one can be sure who is behind the bombings. In the circumstances, the worst course of action would be to use the present confusion as a pretext for a state of emergency or some other device for curtailing democracy.
Like many other countries, Russia has reason to fear Islamic terrorism. Many Islamists within its borders would like to break away from the Russian Federation. Chechnya, after a long and bloody war, has in effect done so, and now seems to be encouraging discontented Muslims in neighbouring Dagestan, another southern republic. But brutal though the Chechens are, at least by repute, they never resorted to terrorist bombing in cities like Moscow to gain their ends, and their fieriest leader, Shamil Basaev, says they are not doing so now. Nor has any other Islamist admitted responsibility.
Unfortunately for Russia, its government is now more incompetent, corrupt and generally disreputable than it has been since the collapse of communism at the start of the 1990s. President Boris Yeltsin’s fitful rule is seen to be ever more designed to serve the purposes of those around him, and ever less to serve the interests of the people at large. Accusations of corruption among his personal circle swirl endlessly; his cronies, it is said, would love to protect themselves from any investigations either now or after his presidency ends. They might even like to see parliament suspended and the forthcoming elections postponed
Well, maybe. But in fact no state of emergency has yet been declared and, anyway, a bombing campaign such as the one now terrifying Russia still seems, on the face of it, more likely to be organised by separatist zealots, despite the absence of Chechen precedents, than by rotten apples in the Kremlin. Until more is known, speculation about the Yeltsin “family” circle is sterile.
That does not mean, however, that the government should go contentedly on about its business while the police are left to pursue their hunt for the terrorists. Even before the bombings, the government was a discredited failure and there was no prospect of an improvement, despite constant changes of prime minister, as long as Mr Yeltsin remained president. The argument for accelerating his departure is as strong now as ever. One way to hasten his exit would be to hold a presidential poll at the same time as the parliamentary elections that are due in December. It is far from certain that a committed democrat would win, but that will be just as far from certain next year, when a presidential poll must be held in any event. And an early vote would surely be a great deal better than no vote at all, which would be the likely outcome of a state of emergency.
Too soon to abandon hope
Much hand-wringing is taking place in the West about Russia and who “lost” it. In truth, Russia, gloomy as it is, is not utterly lost, nor would it be the West’s fault if it were. It would be the Russians’. If the state of Russia is to improve—if it is to establish the rule of law, create a market economy and entrench democracy—it will be done by Russians, not by outsiders.
Mr Yeltsin has played a part in changing Russia for the better, but not recently. The voters now deserve someone in better health, surrounded by capable and honest advisers, and committed to the kinds of reforms that have long been talked about but never properly introduced. That person might not instantly end the bombing campaign. But, who knows, with a better government in Moscow, the malcontents in the regions might even see the merits of staying in the federation rather than trying to secede
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